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  3.4 From Kant To Feuerbach

Last modified 06/07/2008

Hegel can be a confusing thinker unless seen in the context of German classical philosophy as a whole. Then the appearance of Kant (and Rousseau) at the moment of the great divide stands out as the equal generator of leftist considerations. We have but to consider the implications of Kant's ethical deliberations on the categorical imperative in the sense of a 'kingdoms of ends' to find that stolid Protestant devotional a drastic revolutionary by the force of unwitting logic alone. In any case, his system of transcendental idealism is the right starting point for discussions of the enigma of the eonic effect and its operation on different levels of action. And unmatched is Kant's formulation of the riddle of human freedom in the context of Newtonian causal scientism. The subsequent episodes of Hegelianism are hard pressed to transcend the problems indicated in that starting point. Whatever the case, the rough and ready match of Newtonian foundations to a projected discourse on the noumenal character of freedom in relation to its temporal manifestation finds in the eonic model a match of dynamics to the facts that should lead us to reconsider the gyrations between idealism and materialism that tear apart the generation of the socialist birth which ends with the Marxist embrace of an inadequate Feuerbachian termination of Hegelianism. Kant is the classic liberal at his most classic and echoes a logic of republicanism that will surface in perfect concert at the Great Divide. Kant is also a reminder that the fate of modernity is bound up in the need to complete or transcend the initial phase of the Protestant Reformation, whose structural position in the modern transition gives it a sturdiness that will rival anything the left might hope to produce as it is allied with the late decay of modernist philosophy into technological scientism. Hegel well understood this crucial positioning of the Protest Reformation, and its fulfillment in philosophical modernism is a fitting endgame to the convulsion of Axial religions confronting the modern transition. That the Reformation finds one completion in the wake of Hegel and another in the brilliant recasting of ancient sutras in Schopenhauer and still another in the wake of the left is a useful insight into the integrated nature of the modern transition, and we might consider the Kantian deliberations on the issues of 'religion in the light of reason' and see that its cascading exemplars must include the almost religious character of the arising left, bequeathed the tasks of equalization so evident in the momentum of the Axial religions, soon to become theocratic churches coopting the basic thrust of religion formation with the religious ideologies of elite statism. 

 

 

 

  

 


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