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Historical research has greatly expanded our knowledge of
world history, and the result is an unexpected discovery: that of a process of
universal history in the action of a mysterious dynamic generating a non-random
pattern
. We call this the eonic effect
. Further, the scale of this process is such that we can only call it
‘evolution’. Thus, for the first time we can detect the unmistakable
evidence of non-random evolution, and this in world history itself. This leaves
us with the question, What is evolution? And this forces another, long overdue,
What is the relationship between history and evolution? This could be recast as
the paradoxical question, When did evolution stop and history begin?
A moment’s reflection will tell us that no instantaneous
passage between the two is plausible and that our terms have been left ragged.
We must, by this logic, be able to detect a Transition between evolution and
history. Can we find evidence to match this deduction? Indeed, we can, our
non-random pattern, the eonic effect. In fact we can say more: if we apply that
same logic to our Transition we should expect it to take the form of a series of
transitions in an alternation between evolution and history, as if overlayed,
the one emerging from the other. The eonic effect shows just this property of
transitions in a series. Have we reached the end of the Great Transition
? If not, then our evolution still constitutes our present and future. We should
ask who man is, with such wisdom as would constitute achievement of the title, homo sapiens.
Our thinking is conditioned by Darwinism, which throws
‘evolution’ into the past, with a tacit set of assumptions about random
evolution. The result is an enforced incoherence. This is often matched with a
prejudice against any consideration of a science of history in the large, and/or
any attempt using the philosophy of history to seek historical meaning. A
further critique of the idea of universal history comes from the postmodern
rejection of the Grand Narrative
.
In this context the status of a science of history is
ambiguous, as the philosopher Karl Popper
in his critique of historicism
insisted, with his rejection of the
idea that history has meaning. Yet as the labors of archaeological research
proceed a falsification of this perspective emerges. Karl Popper was wrong:
history has meaning, and we can discover large-scale coherence in its unfolding.
It is hard to break the habit of thinking universal histories have all been
discredited. Suddenly we see the existence of a world system, but this requires
looking beyond individual civilizations to the whole phenomenon of Civilization
since the Neolithic.[i]
As we proceed in search of history we will discover an
irony, which is that we will find evolution in history, and then history in
evolution, and this will give us an insight into the descent of man. We
must move beyond the myth of purely genetic evolution, and the fixation on
natural selection. We can recalibrate our definition of ‘evolution’ to
include man’s past, present, and future, with a new kind of model that can
carefully define the nature of our evolving freedom.
The
evolution of man is, and remains, a complete mystery. There is something almost
mythological in the projection of Darwinian scenarios of natural selection
onto the Paleolithic. Such evidence
as we have is mostly that of skeletal remains, highly incomplete, of a series of
hominids stretched over millions of years. Dogmatism in such a situation takes
on an almost religious character in Darwinists. In the midst of this void of
hard information we are to believe that all the complex functions of the human
advance are to be ascribed to processes of natural selection and adaptation.
Such claims, pressed into service for metaphysical conclusions, are weak in
their evidentiary basis. In contradiction to this, flagrantly out in the open,
is the evidence of a Great Explosion
in the period around 50,000 B.C. As
if crossing a threshold homo sapiens
suddenly begins to leave traces of all the forms of higher culture that are
characteristic of man as we find him in history. The suddenness and depth of
this rapid passage, if we can trust the data, call out for explanation beyond
the standard and very vague claims of mysterious mutations. This is really a
question of what we mean by ‘macroevolution
’, as opposed to ‘microevolution’. Is not
Darwin
’s theory really one of microevolution? The problem is that observing anything
that resembles macroevolution demands a very detailed record of evolutionary
sequences, and this invokes a crisis of correct observation.
We
are ready to take a look at the evidence for non-random evolution
in history itself, mindful of the
distinctions we think we should or should not make between cultural and
biological evolution. There is an irony to our views of evolution. We look
to deep time to find the answers to our quest to understand evolution, and yet
we have very little data to conclude anything. We then apply that thinking to
history, and yet here we have what is really a far more detailed record, seen at
close range. We fail to suspect the fallacy here, or that history itself shows
the direct evidence of evolution.
In
the Introduction, after a look at the Old Testament in the light of Biblical
Criticism
, we will examine the intractable
Darwin
debate
, the problems with Darwinism, and the theory of natural selection. The rise of
the Intelligent Design movement has further confused the issue, as the basic
critique of of Darwinism is coopted by religious groups pursuing their own
agenda. The metaphysics of design distracts thinking from the basic issues: the
rightness of evolution and the limits of natural selection. This question is one
of secular science, and is not resolved by the injection of stealth theism.
Although our perspective is secular, our enquiry is a multi-dimensional search
for answers, and not the imposition of a single perspective. We will simply
bypass the sterile debate of theists and atheists.
There
is something preposterous in the claims for universal explanation using the sole
principle of natural selection. The inability of
Darwin
’s theory to explain the emergence of consciousness, let alone the
complexities of an ethical agent, has been noted since the first reviewers of
Darwin
. There is a suspicious resemblance to the ideology of classical liberalism
in the whole claim. The basic
problem is a failure to apply scientific standards at the limits of observation.
Truly observing evolution is very difficult, and the hints of something called
‘punctuated equilibrium’ suggest the presence of a missing factor. These
difficulties were acknowledged by the co-founder of selectionist theory, Alfred
Wallace
, who broke with
Darwin
on the issue of the descent of man. Indeed, an entire component of human
evolutionary psychology, visible in the Buddha phenomenon, is never even
addressed in the standard theory of
Darwin
.
We
conclude the Introduction with a look at the classic critique of metaphysics by
the philosopher Kant, whose warning that a dialectic
of illusion in the discourses of
divinity, soul, and free will precipitate the deadends of rationalism and
empiricism, virtually sums up the
Darwin
debate at a glance. Kant’s place next to
Newton
in the emergence of science is often thought of as a conflict of science and
philosophy, but Newtonian metaphysics was itself corrected with the Kantian
deliberation on causality and freedom, as if to project the future of a science
of freedom. And yet an amnesiac positivistic scientism has moved to hijack the
Scientific Revolution
in the promotion of a theory with an
ominous component of Social Darwinism
.
In
Chapter Two we present the evidence for a non-random pattern in world history,
the eonic effect, and then connect the ideas of history and evolution. It is
strange that we assume the unseen vistas of deep time to be the domain of random
evolution while world history, since the invention of writing, fails the
randomness test. Two non-random patterns in one, parallel and sequential, the
data of the Axial Age
and the unmistakable progression of
an intermittent macro dynamic or driver, the pattern of the eonic effect, can be
seen as a series of discrete transitions and show an almost canonical instance
of what we can only call ‘punctuated equilibrium’, if we can rescue the term
from its current genetic definition. Darwinism was always at risk, as even the
early, and true founder of evolutionism, Lamarck, realized, from its failure to
distinguish microevolution and macroevolution. The clear presence of a
macroevolutionary component to world history should give us a glimpse of how
evolution really works. The result is an elegant portrait of ‘(eonic)
evolution’ as the interplay of two levels, macro-action
and micro-action.
With
the discovery of the basic or core eonic effect we are in essence done, we have
shown the existence of a form of non-random evolution. But the implications of
what we have found require an expansion of the scale of observation applied to
the emergence of civilization. The text proceeds to the construction of two
general outlines of world history using periodization, in Chapter Three and
Chapters Five and Six, concluding with the modern transition. On the way,
Chapter Four examines the eonic model in light of the philosophy of history,
showing the connection to a classic essay on history by Kant.
We
can construct a simple model of the eonic data by first demonstrating the
connection between history and evolution, and then showing how two levels are at
work in the driving action of an ‘eonic sequence’. Although the eonic effect
is the model
, so to speak, as a descriptive device of periodization, the terms of
description themselves are historically embedded, and we consider the notion of
an eonic observer, many of whose observations are seen through the filter of the
eonic effect itself. This paradox must haunt the scientist as he becomes himself
an eonic observer, and agent, in the realization that science itself is the
product of eonic evolution.
We
then adjoin, on the sidelines, a falsifiable frequency hypothesis
to both illuminate and possibly
extend our eonic pattern into the Neolithic. Once we have our basic,
descriptive, model we then recast it as an ‘idea for a universal history
’ and this to a rubric of the ‘evolution
of freedom’. In the process the
curious history of the birth of democracy, as an aspect of the so-called
‘discrete freedom sequence’, shows us something spectacular, a hidden
structure to world history that we could not have suspected. As we proceed we
discover first the clear pattern of historical directionality, as evidence of a
teleological wild card lurking in our data.
To
handle this unexpected realization we proceed both to an examination of Kantian
thinking on the complexities of teleological thinking, and to a critique and
correction of a basic confusion or ambiguity in Kant’s philosophy of history
centering on the impostor he refers to as ‘asocial sociability’. Kant was
righter than he knew, yet miscasts his historical thinking as a metaphysical
theory of social conflict. We claim that Kant’s ambivalence here was a sign
that he was not proposing a solution but asking a question, one that only the
coming future of archaeological research could answer. Sure enough, as we pull
away from the modern transition, and a picture of the emergence of civilization
crystallizes, we inherit for the first time a unique data set, five thousand
years in length, the first such evolutionary record at the level of centuries,
and this must force us to revise our views of history. The early intuitions seen
in the Old Testament, to which we now must turn, are thus suddenly seen in a new
light, and can be recast as an anticipation of our eonic analysis, available to
us only in the passage of a greater time, whose ampler chronicle detects the
spectacle of an unseen universal history of man, the once and future evolution
of man, past, present, and future.
[i]
Karl Popper, The Poverty of
Historicism, (New York: Routledge, 1991).
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